Monday, August 10, 2015

Banks build capital to keep regulators and investors sweet

Banks build capital to keep regulators and investors sweet


[LONDON] Europe's biggest banks have stockpiled capital this year to cushion them against unexpected demands from regulators and also to show their long-suffering shareholders higher dividend payouts could be just over the horizon.
Even when the banks' earnings have disappointed, the need to stay one step ahead of regulators has encouraged managements to step up capital rebuilding, analysts said.
Europe's 24 biggest banks strengthened their common equity ratios, the most-watched measure of capital strength, by an average of 49 basis points in the first six months of this year, up from a 40 bps rise in the previous six months and beating most analysts' expectations, according to data compiled by Reuters.
"Capital build has moved from being by stealth to being overt. It's been a regulatory shift to gold-plate and now it seems to platinum-plate capital ratios," said Matthew Beesley, head of global equities at fund manager Henderson, which owns European bank stocks. "Ever increasing capital has gone from being advised by the regulators and encouraged by shareholders, to being insisted upon by the regulators and cheered by investors," he said.

Analysts said banks were continuing to build capital because of doubts over whether regulators are happy with efforts to shore up balance sheets since the financial crisis.
Regulators have become more demanding in terms of how much capital they want banks to hold to avoid tax-payer funded bank rescues in the future.
A year ago, many banks regarded 10 percent as the acceptable level of common equity to hold but now, the consensus is 11-12 per cent or more, several bankers and analysts said.
Some countries have gone beyond the global standards and "gold plated" the rules for their banks, especially in the Nordic region.
Nordea's common equity ratio of 16 per cent is well above most global rivals. Even so, the bank said it might not be high enough as supervisors take a "more harsh" view on minimum levels and risk weightings, especially in Sweden.
Swedbank said it had improved its"top-of-the-class" common equity ratio to 22.4 per cent because its regulator demanded at least 19.6 per cent. As the bar could rise still higher, the bank said the capital it held was not excessive.
The six biggest Nordic banks added an average of 47 basis points to those ratios in the first six months of the year. Britain's big five banks improved by an average of 74 bps, UBS improved by 1 percentage point and Belgium's KBC rose by 2.4 percentage points.
Other banks are cutting the number of loans they hold to improve their reported capital ratios.
Standard Chartered, for example, strengthened its common equity ratio by 80 basis points in the first half of the year despite a 44 per cent profit slump, as it halved its dividend and reduced assets by 5 per cent.
The capital boost was unexpected and will reduce pressure on the bank's new Chief Executive Bill Winters to raise capital, although he said he will do so if he needs to.
Some banks are retaining earnings to increase the cash they hold in reserve in case regulators take unexpected action, such as standardising the calculation of risk weightings on assets or changing rules on when lenders should provision for bad debts.
Investors are buying into banks which are ahead of the regulatory curve in terms of capital or which appear to be building sufficient balance sheet strength to return surplus cash, including Switzerland's UBS and Britain's Lloyds, as well as the Nordic lenders.
Analysts suggest they could generate billions of euros of surplus cash in 2016 and some already anticipating special payouts or share buybacks as well as higher dividends.
"Investors seem happy to watch and wait and bid up banks that have the capital base assured, in the belief that when it comes to paying out dividends, they will be the first in the queue," Henderson's Beesley said.
Swedbank and Handelsbanken shares trade at twice book value, UBS and Nordea shares trade at 1.6 times and Lloyds trades at 1.2 times, compared to an average of near book value across Europe.
Shares in Deutsche Bank, one of the few banks whose capital position weakened in the first half, trade at a 40 per cent discount to book value.
The capital strength of Santander, Credit Suisse and Deutsche Bank remain under most scrutiny among the big banks. New CEOs at Credit Suisse and Deutsche could raise capital later this year or early in 2016, investors and analysts have said.
Credit Agricole, Societe Generale and UniCredit could benefit from measures to improve ratios too, analysts said.
These banks reported common equity ratios below the average 13.2 percent seen across Europe's top 24 banks, which was lifted by the higher Nordic ratios, according to Reuters calculations.
Investors also look at the quality of capital as well as the amount, because of concerns that not all banks' capital positions are comparable.
Analysts at Berenberg estimated that more than 150 national discretions exist in Europe that affect the amount and quality of capital calculation.
In particular, banks in Italy and Spain could be hurt if the European Central Bank, their new regulator, no longer allows them to include deferred tax assets as core capital. "Some of the measures used by some banks to increase their capital levels in the past few years make these numbers look fatter than they really are," Paul Vrouwes, senior investment manager at NN Investment Partners, said. "If the ECB demands that banks stop using these extra capital lifts, then some of these numbers could look very meagre relative to other stronger banks, who have retained earnings or raised capital."
REUTERS

China considers replacing head of markets regulator: sources

China considers replacing head of markets regulator: sources


[BEIJING] China's ruling Communist Party has begun looking for an eventual replacement for the top securities regulator, who faces internal criticism over his handling of this year's boom and bust in Chinese stock prices, sources with ties to the leadership said.
The party has in recent weeks sounded out potential candidates to succeed Xiao Gang as chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), and party elders will discuss the matter at meetings this summer, two sources said.
The search for a successor is unusual so early in Xiao's term, which does not expire until end-2018, and reflects the party's unhappiness with his performance, but a final decision has not been made yet on whether to replace him, they added.
Some in the party believe an immediate change of leadership at the CSRC, which is at the forefront of a government campaign to shore up share markets, could increase market uncertainty.

"The central (leadership) is not very satisfied with Xiao Gang, but maintaining market stability is the top priority," one source said.
Mr Xiao, who turns 57 this month, was appointed only two years ago. He has come under fire by investors for what they see as a clumsy response to the market panic that began in mid June, and for not doing more to curb the markets' earlier excesses.
The Shanghai and Shenzhen markets rocketed ahead in the first half of this year then tumbled more than 30 per cent in three weeks. The sell-off triggered a series of interventions by the CSRC, including new restrictions on selling shares.
The party's Organisation Department has recommended a shortlist of at least three candidates to replace Xiao, the sources said, adding that the secretariat of the party's Central Committee had already sounded them out.
They include Huang Qifan, 63, mayor of the southwestern metropolis of Chongqing, who is seen as the favourite, sources said. He aroused speculation about his ambitions last week when he made comments in a speech about finance and reform, including his desire for Chongqing to develop a financial industry.
Huang, who ranks as a provincial governor in the party, is near retirement age of 65 for officials of his seniority, but it is not unusual for key appointments to work past retirement age.
The party and the Chongqing city government declined requests for comment when reached by telephone. The CSRC did not respond to a written request for comment.
The sources did not know the identity of the other potential candidates.
Mr Xiao drew investor anger over the CSRC's blunt measures to halt the sell-off: a freeze on initial public offers, a crackdown on short-selling, an instruction to major shareholders to not sell for six months, and allowing up to 45 per cent of listed firms to suspend their shares at one point.
The measures had little immediate effect, but they further damaged investor confidence and brought into question China's commitment to free-market reforms. "He did not handle this crisis well," said Oliver Rui, professor of finance and accounting at China Europe International Business School in Shanghai.
However, fund managers and a regulatory official say it would be unfair to blame Mr Xiao for the crash and that other state agencies also made missteps during the market rescue effort.
The Beijing leadership also backed the measures imposed by the CSRC, which was acting as part of a coordinated approach agreed upon at a meeting of regulators and Chinese financial institutions in early July, chaired by Premier Li Keqiang.
"Xiao can't take all the blame for the market turmoil," said the official within the CSRC.
Market speculation over Mr Xiao picked up last Thursday when state media re-published a May speech by President Xi Jinping in which he called for the promotion of cadres who "want to reform, seek to reform and are good at reform".
Mr Xiao's leadership appeared to have been in doubt even before the market began to slide, with some candidates approached by the party secretariat before then, one source said.
The matter will be discussed this summer at party meetings in Beidaihe, a seaside resort where incumbent and retired party, government and military leaders hold informal talks each year.
REUTERS

China hits back at U.S. criticism over South China Sea 'restrictions'

China hits back at U.S. criticism over South China Sea 'restrictions'


China hit back on Monday at U.S. criticism that it restricts navigation and overflights in the South China Sea amid a festering marine territorial dispute with some of its neighbors.
China claims most of the South China Sea, through which $5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes every year. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei have overlapping claims..
Freedom of overflights and navigation doesn't mean allowing foreign warships and military jets to violate other countries' sovereignty and security, the Foreign Ministry said in a statement to Reuters on Monday, after U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry accused China of restricting such movements in the region last week.
China sees freedom of navigation in the region as key because it is an important conduit for trade and natural resources, the ministry said.
Kerry told a meeting of regional leaders in Kuala Lumpur last week that China's construction of facilities on man-made islands for "military purposes" was raising tension and risked "militarization" by other claimant states.
Kerry also criticized "restrictions" put in place in recent months by China, saying the U.S. would not accept any restrictions on freedom of navigation and overflights.
China has repeatedly warned Philippine military aircraft away from the artificial islands in the Spratly archipelago of the South China Sea, Philippine military officials have said.
The Chinese navy also issued eight warnings to the crew of a U.S. P8-A Poseidon surveillance aircraft when it conducted overflights in the area in May, according to CNN, which was aboard the U.S. aircraft.
In June, China said it would soon complete a phase of its reclamation projects, adding it would continue to build facilities on the man-made islands.
Ongoing reclamation activities in the Spratly Islands include civilian facilities for the "public good" including hospitals, maritime research institutes, lighthouses and search and rescue facilities, the Foreign Ministry said.
A Philippine lawmaker said on Monday he had information that a Chinese coast guard ship dropped anchor more than a month ago near a rusting Philippine Navy transport ship in the disputed Second Thomas Shoal.
"I think China has no intention of leaving the area and they are waiting for our ship to collapse or prevent us from reinforcing that ship," Congressman Francisco Acedillo, a former air force pilot, said at a naval base in Manila.
Acedillo said the presence of a Chinese ship within Second Thomas Shoal was a serious threat to the Philippines.
(Reporting by Megha Rajagopalan in BEIJING and Manuel Mogato in MANILA; Editing byNick Macfie)

Potential rifts, hard choices if Congress rejects Iran deal

Potential rifts, hard choices if Congress rejects Iran deal


If the U.S. Congress votes down the nuclear deal with Iran, President Barack Obama could rapidly find himself facing many negative reverberations, including a painful predicament with China, current and former U.S. officials said on Friday.
China, one of six world powers that negotiated with Tehran, has reduced the amount of Iranian oil it buys, as demanded by a U.S. sanctions law meant to pressure Iran to accept a diplomatic resolution of the nuclear stand-off.
If Congress scuttles the July 14 nuclear agreement, energy-hungry Beijing is likely to conclude diplomacy has failed, break free of sanctions restraints and increase Iranian oil imports, the officials said.
Obama would have to decide whether to sanction China and add new troubles to bilateral relations - or let the painstakingly built architecture of restrictions on Iran unravel.
"You will rapidly find that we will have to make sanctions decisions that are not very attractive," said Richard Nephew, until recently a top State Department and White House sanctions official.
The China example is just one of numerous consequences expected if Congress were to block the Vienna agreement, which offers Iran relief from sanctions in return for limits on its nuclear work, U.S. officials and European diplomats predicted.
They include a possible trans-Atlantic schism over the issue; Iran's nullification of the deal and its rapid resumption of large-scale nuclear enrichment; and even U.S. court battles over the sanctions.
Obama's White House is fighting for the agreement - which would be a legacy achievement for the president - and has plenty of motivation to cast the alternatives as dire.
The president has depicted the choice as "between diplomacy or some form of war" with Iran, but European allies and many outside analysts agree that scuttling the deal would be costly.
"That would be a big, big, big blow to the United States in the world. It would also be bad for the whole Middle East, bad for Israel," former European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana, who helped launch the first nuclear talks with Iran in 2004, told Reuters.
FACING A STIFF CHALLENGE
Supporters of the deal, which is being scrutinized in Congress, suffered a setback on Thursday when a top senator from Obama's Democratic party, Chuck Schumer of New York, announced his opposition.
Opponents still face a stiff challenge in defeating the agreement after a review process that ends in September.
If the Senate and House pass resolutions of disapproval, Obama has said he would veto them and Democrats in Congress said on Friday they were confident they had the votes to uphold the veto.
But should opponents prevail, Obama would likely be unable to implement the nuclear deal on his own by defying Congress and unilaterally offering sanctions relief to Iran, current and former U.S. officials said.
If Congress passes a resolution of disapproval and overrides a veto, under a law passed in May, Obama’s ability to waive any sanctions passed by Congress - the vast majority of U.S. sanctions - would be eliminated.
Obama might try to revoke or modify his own presidential executive orders that imposed some of the sanctions.
But "95 percent of the E.O.s (executive orders) are basically already part of U.S. law" mandated by Congress, said Nephew, now at Columbia University. "The rest is kind of small fry."
Without promised U.S. sanctions relief, many observers say, Iran would likely not implement its end of the deal. It might even ramp up enrichment of uranium that could eventually be used for a nuclear weapon.
Under another scenario that senior U.S. officials have studied, Iran would instead begin complying with the accord even if Congress voted it down. Many countries might respond by ceasing to comply with sanctions against Iran, creating a rift with Washington.
Not everyone agrees that a U.S. congressional "no" vote would bring catastrophe.
Robert Satloff, executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that U.S. and European sanctions relief for Iran does not kick in until mid-2016, after Tehran has begun implementing agreed nuclear steps.
Iran is likely to comply, in any event, to get promised international sanctions relief, Satloff said. The view "that everything collapses because of a disapproval" by Congress "doesn't hold water," he said.
(Additional reporting by Paul Taylor, Yeganeh Torbati and Patricia Zengerle. Editing by David Storey and Ken Wills)

China under mounting pressure to ease policy as economy stumbles

China under mounting pressure to ease policy as economy stumbles


China is under growing pressure to further stimulate its economy after disappointing data over the weekend showed another heavy fall in factory-gate prices and a surprise slump in exports.
Producer prices in July hit their lowest point since late 2009, during the aftermath of the global financial crisis, and have been sliding continuously for more than three years.
Exports tumbled 8.3 percent in the same month, their biggest fall in four months, as weaker global demand for Chinese goods and a strong yuan policy hurt manufacturers.
"Policy focus is definitely the (producer) deflation at this stage," said Zhou Hao, economist at Commerzbank AG in Singapore.
He said China's central bank would likely need to further cut interest rates again, having already cut four times since November in the most aggressive easing in nearly seven years.
The gloom may only deepen in the coming week with a raft of economic data forecast to show renewed weakness in factories, investment and domestic spending.
The world's second-largest economy is officially targeted to grow at 7 percent this year, still strong by global standards, but some economists believe it is growing at a much slower pace.
Economists expect the central bank to cut rates by another 25 basis points this year, and further reduce the amount of deposits banks must hold as reserves by another 100 basis points, according to a Reuters poll last month.
The producer price index fell 5.4 percent from a year earlier, the National Statistics Bureau said on Sunday, compared with an expected 5.0 percent drop. It was the worst reading since October 2009 and the 40th straight month of price decline.
Falling producer prices are worrying because they eat into the profits of miners and manufacturers and raise the burden of their debts. China's corporate debt stands at 160 percent of gross domestic product, twice that of the United States, according to a Thomson Reuters study of over 1,400 firms.
In line with the sluggish economy, annual consumer inflation remained muted at 1.6 percent despite surging pork prices, in line with forecasts and slightly higher than June's 1.4 percent.
CHALLENGING SECOND-HALF
A cooling housing market, uneven exports and weak investment have cooled annual economic growth, which will be slowest in a quarter of a century even if it hits Beijing's target this year.
A strong yuan policy - designed in part to support domestic consumption and help Chinese firms to borrow and invest abroad - is hurting exporters. Trade data on Saturday showed depressed demand from Europe and the first drop in exports to the United States, China's biggest market, since March.
Chinese firms have laid off workers for 21 consecutive months as they slash prices to a six-month low to attract customers, an official survey showed this month.
China's turbulent stock markets, which have fallen by almost a third since peaking in June, also add a new sense of urgency for top officials as they try to ensure a stable financial system can fund Beijing's efforts to rekindle economic growth.
Yet, even the central bank has warned that looser policy may not be effective in lessening the pain felt by companies.
Companies are holding back on spending amid a reluctance by banks to lend due to rising bad debts.
"Maintaining a growth rate of 7 percent in the second half of the year will be a challenge," ANZ Bank said in a note at the weekend. "Monetary policy will need to become more supportive."
(Editing by Mark Bendeich)

Sunday, August 9, 2015

China's property market continues to recover in H2: NDRC

China's property market continues to recover in H2: NDRC


[BEIJING] China's top economic planner said on Monday the property market was likely continue to improve in the second half of this year, a good sign for the broad economy.
China's consumer prices are expected to stabilise and start to pick up in the second half of 2015, the National Development and Reform Commission(NDRC) said on a statement on its website.
China's annual consumer inflation remained muted at 1.6 per cent despite pork prices surging in July, and in line with forecasts and slightly higher than June's 1.4 per cent.
REUTERS

Oil prices fall on oversupply fears

Oil prices fall on oversupply fears


[HONG KONG] Oil prices fell in Asian trade on Monday, extending weeks of losses after a US report stoked expectations of a global glut of suppliers.
US benchmark West Texas Intermediate (WTI) for September delivery was at US$43.57, down from US$43.87 on Friday in New York - its lowest close since March 17.
Brent crude for September was trading at US$48.25 after ending at US$48.61 on Friday.
"It's still a supply story," Jonathan Barratt, chief investment officer at Ayers Alliance Securities, told Bloomberg News.


"There is not a lot of upside for oil." Concerns about a global supply glut were stoked on Friday when Baker Hughes said the number of US drilling rigs rose for the third straight week.
The count rose to 670, the oil-field services firm reported - its fifth weekly gain in six - just days after the US government reported an increase in oil production in the world's top consumer.
A glut in crude oil supply is seen as the main driver for a sharp decline in oil prices that has seen crude slump to almost a third of its mid-2014 peaks.
News of rising US production comes as top producing cartel OPEC has refused to cut output, and as investors wait for Iran to ramp up exports after a major deal over its nuclear programme last month.
In exchange for curbing its nuclear activities, Tehran will see the lifting of sanctions, which have slashed its oil exports.
Investors predict crude prices will remain under pressure for the rest of the year, particularly after trade and inflation data added to concerns about China's economy over the weekend.
"We're expecting oil prices not to recover at all in the second-half," Mark Pervan, head commodity research at Australia's ANZ bank, told Bloomberg.
AFP

The hard business of being Singapore

The hard business of being Singapore

As the nation moves into its next 50 years, its challenges lie beyond the quantifying reach of GDP or average lifespan


Singapore
FROM the vantage point of a vast and indifferent universe, 50 years must seem an awfully arbitrary and inconsequential span of time.
Even as statehoods go, Singapore's official age is unremarkable in this part of the world, where many countries gained independence within years of one another, their respective fates irrevocably linked by colonial masters and war.
What is remarkable about Singapore is not so much that it is 50, but what it has done with those years.
Over time, it has become the anomaly of its post-colonial cohort and an object of bemused scrutiny for the rest of the world. There are two paths to outlier territory - either become an exceptional failure or a tremendous success. Singapore has, for the most part, been the latter.
As the country celebrates turning 50 by methodically cataloguing its many achievements, an anxious eye is already being cast over the next 50 years, paradoxically because of how much has been achieved.
Singapore might face some formidable challenges today, but many of them are not novel in nature. Some are, in fact, regular features in the long-running undercurrent of wariness that has pervaded previous National Days.
Over the last 50 years, Aug 9 appears to have been marked with equal parts jubilation and reminders about how the bottom can fall out of this place.
One year, young Singaporeans were upbraided for being "sloppy in their work, choosy about their jobs and generally complacent about life" in a newspaper's opinion piece. This was not a gripe about millennials, but about the youngsters who would become today's baby boomers; the piece in question was written in 1975, in contemplation of National Day. Then, Singapore was only 10 years old but already an outperformer both economically and in its tendency to pre-emptively worry.
Likewise, "raising productivity" might be an oft-used rallying cry today, but workers and businesses have been urged to buck up on the stuff since at least 1985's National Day.
By the country's 40th anniversary in 2005, the issue of the widening income gap had crept into national discourse, years before trendy outrage over the one per cent emerged.
Now, what this country has spent the last 50 years steeling itself for has come to a head.
Today, as with every day since Singapore involuntarily became independent, we face an unrelenting scarcity of resources and the merciless nature of a global economy. From within, we strain to distil an identity from a populace whose demographics are in constant motion.
Fifty years spent in constant awareness of the sharp corners that outline our existence can feel like a long time.
What is different, then, as Singapore turns 50?
This sensation of gradually becoming unmoored has perhaps increased. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has expressed his preference to not be at the helm of government for another 10 years. His father Lee Kuan Yew, who for decades defined this nation, is no more. Whatever the individual's politics, these are material developments.
Even as the country's political landscape evolves, its people have changed at a far faster rate. Now, the things that Singaporeans want out of life have taken on confoundingly intangible dimensions that exist beyond the quantifying reach of gross domestic product or average lifespan.
Some of the complication comes from simply having become a big, bad city, like any other big, bad city where its people have begun to yearn for varied and sometimes elusive things - greater freedom, more meaning, less pressure.
Over the next few decades, Singaporeans, like other urban denizens, will search for these things with increasing intensity. Both wants and needs will be difficult to satisfy, and any solution for either is expected to be effected top-down. If anything has remained unchanged for the last 50 years, it is that expectation.
In the years to come, the government will have to balance populist concerns against pragmatic ones, and the people will have to make their own private peace between those two opposing forces.
To the casual observer - perhaps this same vast and indifferent universe - this is akin to being between a rock and a hard place.
Even so, this is Singapore - a country that has presided over a spectacular overcoming of odds. It is a country that is very familiar with rocks and hard places.
Perhaps, the real challenge over the next 50 years as Singapore navigates rocky terrain is making sure that it does not itself, as a result, become a hard place
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